ONE MAN, TWO WORLDS: Memoir of a Businessman in Politics by Richard. Needham

Author:Richard. Needham [Needham, Richard.]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781780733159
Google: 4rNxzgEACAAJ
Publisher: Blackstaff Press, Limited
Published: 2021-05-15T23:31:03.785212+00:00

CHAPTER 21

Ulster During the 1980s

BRITISH POLICY ON Northern Ireland was cross-party and with the exception of a few fringe mavericks such as Jeremy Corbyn, had followed exactly the same lines for years. There were three strands: security, political and economic/social. Northern Ireland was ruled directly from Westminster by British ministers.

There were minimal powers delegated to local politicians. Security and political policy was enforced by English ministers who, for the most part, were ignorant of Ireland and its history. Political and security programmes were administered by English officials from the Home Office, the Ministry of Defence and the Foreign Office. By and large, they were neutral, and they did not favour one side of the community over the other but they often operated in secretive silos with their own agendas. They accepted there was no security solution and that without a security solution, there would be no political solution. They relied on the local population to reject paramilitaries and terror as economic prosperity isolated the terrorists in the violent swamps they occupied.

The secretary of state was supposed to be the emperor but, in reality, he was constrained by warlords on every side. These included the RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary), who reported to the chief constable, and the Army, who reported to the secretary of state for defence. International political relationships were determined by the Foreign Office, and the Roman Catholic church, which reported to Rome. Health was a branch of the Department of Health and Social Security in London. The budget was determined by the Treasury in London.

The only areas of real discretion were housing, planning, industry, transport, tourism and environment. These were administered by the Northern Ireland Civil Service, and the junior minister in charge of these delegated powers was me. The silos were exaggerated by the so-called necessity for ‘security’. Loose words could cost lives. This mantra led to cover-up, cock-up and a culture of blame. In the case of the army and the police, Queen’s Regulations applied. Theory X management reigned supreme. No one could be trusted, orders had to be obeyed, and challenging superiors’ judgements or decisions was tantamount to insubordination.

During my first week, I asked if I could go up to Derry to see Paddy Doherty to discuss his inner-city initiatives. Ministers were warned they should avoid Paddy as having connections. Of course he had connections – Eileen, his wife, had been looking after the McGuinness family whenever Martin was in prison, and Paddy and his ten children were all strong republican sympathisers. This did not stop Paddy having eclectic taste in the people he worked with. In his efforts to support the deprived of Derry, he became close friends with the Prince of Wales and worked hand in hand with Glenn Barr, the well known loyalist.

How was it acceptable for me to visit him as parliamentary private secretary to the secretary of state one week and not as parliamentary undersecretary the next? In fact, there was another much more telling argument. According to the local

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